To this it should be added that the Liberal Democrats, with 2.4 million votes, gained only 8 seats. But it is in the percentages that the discrepancy becomes most obvious: the biggest winner is the SNP, with an astonishing 83% more seats than it would have under proportional representation, thanks to having been such a widespread phenomenon across Scotland and so highly regionalised within it. The Conservatives got 38% more seats than their share of votes, but Labour was still also overrepresented by 17%; but it is the underrepresentations which are the most dumbfounding. The Liberal Democrats would have had 6.5 times more than their 8, the Greens 25 times more than their 1, but the biggest loser by far was UKIP: under proportional representation, UKIP would have won more than 80 times more seats than its solitary one, putting it in a very strong third place.
Share of national vote | Share of seats | Proportional Representation | |
Conservatives | 36.9% (11.3M) | 50.9% (331/650) | 239/650 |
Labour | 30.4% (9.3M) | 35.7% (232/650) | 197/650 |
SNP | 4.7% (1.5M) | 8.6% (56/650) | 30/650 |
Liberal Democrats | 7.9% (2.4M) | 1.2% (8/650) | 51/650 |
UKIP | 12.6% (3.9M) | 0.15% (1/650) | 81/650 |
Greens | 3.8% (1.2M) | 0.15% (1/650) | 24/650 |
The only real similarity here is that overall the Conservatives and Labour were still the two largest parties, and the Conservatives still beat Labour. There would be some very big differences with how lawmaking was done; we may well imagine that overall majorities would be exceedingly rare, and coalitions would have to become the norm. In this scenario, we might have seen a Conservative/UKIP block as the dominant force - however, just short of an overall majority even between them, all legislation would have had to be much more multi-partisan. What is more, the relatively poor showing of the Greens relative to the levels at which they had been polling may suggest that many people might have voted differently had they expected their vote to really count. What this table shows is that nearly a quarter of the electorate has been effectively disenfranchised - left, right and centre...
It is very easy to criticise; but there must be something to be said for the current "first past the post" system. Many would perhaps be deeply uncomfortable with potentially according such prominence to parties which might be viewed as dangerous extremists, namely UKIP and the Greens; a system based on one MP for a particular locally-defined constituency is generally an effective way of ensuring that minority parties are underrepresented. In addition, the contrast between the outrageous underrepresentation of the Liberal Democrats and the unfathomable underrepresentation of UKIP and the Greens might suggest that centrist parties with relatively conventional rhetoric are still better at breaking through: in other words, "first past the post" might be a good way of disenfranchising extremist views, albeit at the expense of all minority views, however widespread they are across the country. (Of course, this argument will not appeal very much if you fervently believe that the system must be more susceptible to change under the influence of insurgent parties.) Another defence which might be made is that while it may come very naturally to those who are cut off from their communities to look at nationwide statistics and forget the local constituency picture, on a constituency-by-constituency basis it is still the candidate with the most votes in each local area who wins. That is clearly a kind of democracy. Finally, on a practical note, subsidising the biggest parties with extra seats might perhaps be a good way of ensuring not just an effective government (with a system biased towards handing over a majority to a single party), but an effective single-party opposition as well.
For my part I am not remotely satisfied that the current major parties are offering much of an alternative to voters; but I am not very enthused by any of the minor parties vindicated at this election either, which perhaps sometimes offer too alternative a view. For example, I am very much in two minds over the question of EU membership (although desire for secession can hardly be called anything other than mainstream any more) - but is it right to obstruct democracy for one view of what is better or safer for the country? The whole matter may lose all but historical interest in a couple of years' time - it will be the topic of a future post.